Black on black: Belated notes on 90 degree revolution

“I scorn your eloquence, the poetry of a living oblivion, and now seek a simpler style of annihilation.”

-Ligotti

Out in the desert, building God, or maybe deep in the Everglades before the storms come. Futurist wild-eyed death march, stepping razor to the Milky Way, guided by blue serpents of lightning. “…it is electricity that rapidly takes care of the germination.” Fydorov, Bogdanov agree, preparing for the Great Work by proletarianizing matter for transplanetary corporations. Tsiolkovsky habitats and huge cities stalked by CEOs and their attaches require the complete disintegration of the human to enter. City of flows. Baudrillard’s nuclear sword points straight up (or is it out?). Marinetti remarked a hundred years ago how brazenly we master the atom. Select your preference.

War god capital. We have to remember how it started: riding on the back of the spiteful, hateful coitus of war and state. Held back by only the thinness of amniotic fluid—bureaucracy, the clockwork brigade. But the poisonous soft machine wormed through the cracks. War is still here, but in some cases it’s just called revolution.

None of this seems to make sense. “Everything about capitalism is rational, except capital or capitalism…you can understand it, learn how it works; capitalists know how to use it; and yet what a delirium, it’s nuts.” Deleuze in Desert Islands. He goes on, joining strangely with Marx in libidinal prophecy: “…history is the history of desire”. In particular, that is not just anyone’s desire—there is, of course, the “problem of a deep connection between libidinal desire and the social field”, but the capitalist is the one that oversees that desire.

Of course, the 90 degree revolution is itself altogether coded. Again, with Deleuze, who states in “On Capitalism and Desire” that “…nothing is secret, at least in principle and according to the code…and yet noting is admissable”. Everything is available. The ‘green’ arrow in the new political wings is not concerned with the organization of power, of containing the libidinality of the system, or even in Greer’s catabolic collapse, but posits that these are all questions that don’t need to be answered. The greens have far more in common with their neoliberal mainstream counterparts than they’d probably care to recognize: a belief that, in some way or another, the question of techonomania can be altogether sidestepped. This puts them on the side of today’s milquetoast leftists who claim that there can be a re-establishment of the commons—a place where capital cannot reach. This is patently untrue, and in fact has been since capital first arrived “covered in dirt and dripping blood”. Primitive accumulation as the germ-seed of capital instantly cancels difference (or differance) and sets up and expansionary model that, at one end, strip mines Mars and at the other, makes you pay to see the Unabomber’s cabin in a museum exhibit.

To be an upwinger, an anti-green, is to not just recognize the gyre of capital swings out, but realize there is no capacity to extract oneself from the machine, no return to life or to first nature, no anything at all outside of universal colonization or total annihilation.

Postscript:

It is important to note that despite right-left being recomposed as up-down, a ‘marxist’, in any ‘orthodox’ sense (whatever that may mean) should take note that these remain bourgeois political categories. The true intention of a marxist politics will be to altogether detonate such qualifiers in favor of a proletarian recoding and the total collapse of such manichean political wings, so to speak. However, as noted in conversations on twitter, reformatting to up/downwing, ACC/DEC, whatever—may be a useful heuristic insofar as it finally sinks the belle epoque Great Politics into the mud for good.

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